Feminization Of Migration Philippine Workers Welfare Sociology Essay

Feminization Of Migration Philippine Workers Welf be Sociology probeIntroduction and BackgroundIn near positionings throughout the world, the term unsettled conjures images of men, while the phrase, migratorys and their families introduces women and children into the picture. Yet, statistics show that half(prenominal) of all migrators world(a)ly be young-bearing(prenominal) and studies document that women ar active participants in migration, both deep down and between countries (Boyd, 2006).Philippine migration started as premature as 1900s during the time of Ameri bottomland colonial rule. The first Philippines to move came from Ilocos and they pop offed in pineapple plantations in Hawaii, agriculture in California and fish erectneries in Washington and Alaska in 1920s. During 1960s, antithetical category of Filipino fashi unityrs transmigrated to America, Canada, and some europiuman countries. They were the so-called professionals take a shiting as nurses , doctors, and medical technicians.In 1970s, Filipinos were in command in industrialized countries much(prenominal) as Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Hong Kong, Singapore, Taiwan, and Malaysia. They filled up the moil shortages in these countries and worked as construction workers, nannies, domestic workers, nurse and entertainers. The phenomenon in Philippine pains migration started during these years since grand anatomys of workers leave the coarse for avocation.However, in 1980s a different trend in Philippine labor migration has emerged called feminization of migration. (Explain why?) This means that more and more women participated in the atomic number 18a of labor migration. (Add move on explanation) A lot of factors attributed to the proliferation of women migration. In the previous studies, women migration could be a result of poverty, world-wideization, and pressure from family, among others. But the closely general reason of these women who wants to find break off op portunities in their chosen countries of finis is poverty. To escape poverty, these women leave their work and try their luck overseas. Some of them ar professionals while others ar a mere tall unmediated graduates on the job(p) mostly in the services sector. However, the basic question lies in their welf be and protection in the third domain.Hence, this field of honor is conducted to identify the habitual issues and concerns encountered by these women and try to examine the Philippine disposal polity thru the Department of Labor and body of work ( dole) to ensure the welf atomic number 18 and protection of these women in their chosen country of destination. If possible, this look at go away try to influence the pogy constitution makers by endowing sufficient data to justify the fill to figure outulate policies specifically for women migrant workers (if in that respect is none).Theoretical FrameworkSeveral theories are presented in this part to help the reader s understand or gain insights on the migration of Filipino women migrant workers. Below are some of the theoriesFeminist system, according to Wikipidia (13 April 2009), aims to understand the nature of inequality and foc aims on k immediatelyledgeable urge politics, power relations and cozyity. period generally providing a critique of social relations, much of libber theory to a fault focuses on analyzing gender inequality and the promotion of womens rights, interests, and issues.Based on the same source mentioned above, the feminist legal theory is base on the belief that the legal philosophy has been instrumental womens historical subordination. The project of feminist legal theory is twofold. First, feminist jurisprudence seeks to explain ways in which the law played a section in womens cause subordinate status. Second, feminist legal theory is dedicated to changing womens status through a reworking of the law and its approach to gender.One of the theories that best desc ribes the outflow of Filipino women abroad is the theory on globalization. Globalization (Wikipedia, 11 April 2009) in its literal sense is the put to work of transformation of local or regional phenomena into global ones. It can be described as a process by which the people of the world are incorporate into a single society and function together. This process is a combination of economical, technological, socio-cultural and political upshots. Globalization is oft used to refer to economic globalization, that is, integration of national economies into the international economy through trade, foreign direct investment, capital flows, migration, and the spread of technology.Another theory that explains migration is the neoclassical economic theory (Sjaastad 1962 Todaro 1969). It suggests that international migration is related to the global give and command for labor. Nations with scarce labor supply and high demand will imbibe high wages that pull immigrants in from nations w ith a surplus of labor (family.jrank.org, 2009).The segmented labor market theory (Piore 1979) argues that First human economies are structured so as to require a certain direct of immigration. This theory suggests that developed economies are dualistic, they have a primary market of secure, hygienic remunerated work and a secondary market of low wage work. Segmented labor market theory argues that immigrants are recruited to fill these jobs that are indispensable for the overall economy to function but are avoided by the native-born population because of the poor working conditions associated with the secondary labor market (family.jrank.org, 2009).World systems theory (Sassen 1988) argues that international migration is a by-product of global capitalism. Contemporary patterns of international migration tend to be from the periphery (poor nations) to the core (rich nations) because factors associated with industrial ripening in the First World generated structural economic pro blems, and thus advance factors, in the ternion World (family.jrank.org, 2009).In the Todaro-Harris model, the decision to migrate is largely limitd by the individuals expectation of earning a higher income, with judge income being defined as actual urban income multiplied by the probability of begining employment (Ullah, 2004). abstract FrameworkFigure 1 presents the research paradigm of the reading.Figure 1 seek DesignAs shown in the diagram, Filipino women migrant workers are also experiencing some issues and concerns in their chosen country of destination. This study will find out how these issues and concerns will affect the formulation of Philippine labor policy.Statement of the riddleThis study deals on the Feminization of the Philippine Labor Migation as well as its implications on the countrys policy on workers welfare and protection.Specifically, this study aims to answer the sideline questionsWhat is the personal profile of the respondents based on the followingA geMarital StatusLevel of EducationEmployment StatusNature of Employment distance of ContractWhat are the common issues and concerns encountered by migrant women in the receiving/destination countries?What are the roles of the judicature especially the Department of Labor and Employment ( pogey) in ensuring the well-being of the Filipino women migrant workers?What is/are the policy/ies of DOLE in dealing with the migration of women in terms ofWelfareProtectionWith grapheme to question 2, what are the implications of these common issues and concerns in the formulations of labor policy/ies directed to Filipino migrant women?HypothesisThe following hypotheses were considered by the research worker in the studyThe common issues and concerns encountered by migrant women in the receiving/destination countries are not meaning(a).The roles of the government particularly DOLE are minimal in ensuring the well-being of the Filipino women migrant workers.The policy/ies of DOLE in dealing w ith the migration of women are not significant in terms ofWelfareProtectionWith reference to question 2, the implications of these common issues and concerns are not significant in the formulations of labor policy/ies directed to Filipino migrant women.Significance of the StudySince the onset of the phenomenon called feminization of Philippine labor migration in 1980s, a number of detectives attempted to determine the factors that trigger Filipino women from leaving the country in search for a better opportunity abroad. This study will try to delve into the implications of the common issues and concerns encountered by migrant women in the destination countries to the formulation of labor policies/programs by DOLE.Further, the conduct of this study will acquaint the public on the difficulties encountered by the Filipino women migrant workers abroad. This will also serve as a guide to the Philippine government thru DOLE to formulate policies addressing specifically the issues and con cerns of the women migrant workers.Scope and Delimitation of the StudyThis study focuses on the common issues and concerns faced by Filipino migrant women and its implications on the formulation of government policies to ensure their welfare and protection.The respondents shall be the women migrant workers employed in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA). In 2008, KSA was the top destination country for fresh hires Filipino migrant workers with a deployment of 76,148. Of this figure, 24,508 were fe young-begetting(prenominal) workers. To save time and money, Slovins formula shall be employed to determine the sample sizing of the population.Particularly, this study shall concentrate gathering data in Alkhobar, KSA wherein one of the two POLOs in Saudi Arabia is located. Sets of questionnaire shall be disseminated to the respondents with the assist of POLO-Alkhobar. The distribution of questionnaires shall be done in the POLO office wherein the respondents salaried shoot the breeze t o request for assistance, asking for an advice and other grievances among others.The researcher shall also use interview method with the concerned government officials, non-government organizations (NGOs), private sectors and internet to facilitate the conduct of the thesis.Definition of TermsThe following are the common terms used in this study. The terms were defined according to the context of the study. Some terms were taken from the DOLE and the International Organization for Migration (IOM) Glossary for MigrationCountry of OriginA country where the women workers permanently resides.Feminization of MigrationThe change magnitude participation of women in the field of labor migration.Labour MigrationThe movement of persons from their home state to some other for the point of employment.Philippine Overseas Labor Office (POLO)The POLO serves as the DOLEs overseas operating arm in the effectuation of Philippine labor policies and programs for the protection and promotion of the welfare and interests of Filipinos working abroad.Push-Pull FactorsPush factors are the reasons that trigger the workers to migrate in their chosen country of destination whereas pull factors are the attracting forces that lead them to migrate.Receiving CountryThe chosen country of destination by the worker.CHAPTER IIREVIEW OF RELATED LITERATUREThis chapter presented the different literature and studies conducted by different authors both local and foreign to support the concepts and theories of the phenomenon called Feminization of Labor Migration.Related booksIn a study empower, The Feminization of Philippine Migration in Europe (05 March 2009), the Philippine Migration is brought active by a combination of socio-cultural, economic, and political factors in the Philippines that push Philippine women to migrate, as well as factors in Europe that pull them to immigrate. The economic crisis in the Philippines has led to an increasing unemployment and underemployment, with practica lly no work available at heart the country.According to that same study, it was mentioned that as migrant workers, Filipinas experience a host of problems related to their employment situations. Because they are women, who come from the so called Third World, they are allowed to work tho in the lowest job categories. They are particularly vulnerable to various forms of exploitative labour practices, being employed in jobs, which make use of their highly skilled and qualified labour at very low cost.The fact is women migrants are thence subject to various forms of twist when they work overseas they are paid low wages if they are paid at all, they work in terrible working conditions, and are subject to various forms of physical, sexual and psychological violence calling for necessary interventions on the part of the state (Rodriguez, 1995).With reference to the study entitled The Feminization of Philippine Migration in Europe (05 March 2009), it was stated that the withholding of wages and documents such(prenominal) as passports, low make up, long working hours, the lack of opportunities for meaningful career advancement, and the lack of work benefits and job security, are notwithstanding some of the problems, which Filipina migrant workers experience in the work place.Many believed labor export opened women migrants to harsh forms of sexual violence. Others believed that the out-migration of women was weakening the Philippines social and moral fabric and still others, believed that the out-migration of Filipinas as domestic workers and entertainers threatened the Philippine states subject status on the world stage (Rodriguez, 1995).The feminization of Philippine overseas labor migration, which had been male-dominated until the 1980s, belies the failure of womens empowerment in society. The increasing out-migration of women indicates a decline, or go along limitation, in the share of work available to women in the production process employment opport unities remain dependent and income insufficient. The studyity of female OFWs are still in traditional reproductive work such as domestic work and cultural entertainment, health care and nursing, where the pay is low and the nature of the work involves a higher exposure to physical, sexual and other abuse. This in turn underscores the international division of labor, in which the Third World, or the southwestward, does the labor-intensive and lower-paid work. It also demonstrates a persistent gendered division of labor at the global level, with the South taking on the menial aspects of reproductive work, which are thereby feminized, secondary, subservient, and inferior to the masculine, dominant nary(prenominal)th (de Guzman, 2003).The change magnitude understanding of the situation of migrant women should provide the basis for the formulation of policies and programmes that promote their equality with migrant men and that safeguard their well-being (UN, 2004).Related StudiesF or a long time, the typical migrant has been viewed as male and until 3 decades ago, female migration was generally overlooked. Since the middle of the 1970s, there has been a growing interest in womens immigration, first with the make up in family reunification, especially in Europe and from the 1980s, until today, the growing recruitment of migrant women for labour market ask especially in service (Casas and Garson, 2005).In recent years the term feminization of migration has become commonplace, however entering the public domain through media reports (INSTRAW, 2007).According to Nancy V. Yanger, in her study on the Feminization of Migration (2006), there has been a change in the international migration patterns of women more are moving from one country to another on their own than to join their husbands or other family members. This feminization of migration raises several key policy concerns rough womens security and human rights in displace and destination countries.About half of all migrant workers are now women (IOM, 2008), with more women migrating independently and as main income earners rather than accompanying male relatives (Martin, 2005).Insofar as men are increasingly unable to fulfill their traditional roles as economic providers to their families, and the demand for female caregivers continue to rise in the industrial countries, the pressure on women to seek new survival strategies for their families will continue to fuel the subjoin of female migrants worldwide (INSTRAW, 2007).The feminization of migration had also produced specifically female forms of migration, such as the commercialized migration of domestic workers and caregivers, the migration and trafficking of women for the sex industry and the organized migration of women for marriage (UNESC, 2006).Women are often recruited internationally to do reproductive work in other peoples houses or for service sector jobs such as waitressing or entertainment that are poorly and marked by high instability and turnover. Many of these jobs are unregulated because they are of borderline legality (such as sex work) or because they are not include in the scope of the destination countrys labor laws, which primarily cover productive work. The unregulated nature of reproductive work, which allows no recourse through the legal system, places many women migrants at risk of exploitation in the form of low wages, poor working conditions, or physical or sexual abuse (Yinger, 2006).Perhaps the most notable feature of female migration is the extent to which it is founded upon the continued reproduction and exploitation of gender inequalities by global capitalism. For the most part, female labor migrants perform womens work as nannies, maids and sex workers the worst possible occupational niches in terms of remuneration, working conditions, legal protections and social recognition. In this way, gender acts as a basic organizing principle of labor markets in destination countries, reproducing and reinforcing pre-existing gender patterns that oppress women. But it is not only women who perform these jobs, but women of a particular race, class, ethnicity and/or nationality i.e. gender cross-cuts with other forms of oppression to facilitate the economic exploitation of women migrants and these relegation to a servile (maids) and/or despised (sex workers) status (INSTRAW, 2007).In the north, the growing intimacy of immigrant women in paid work is mainly the result of an increase in the demand for labour in unskilled and poorly paid jobs in the service sectors in immigrant-receiving countries. Domestic service, hotels and restaurants and personal care are all sectors that have large recourse to foreign migration labour and the bringing up of exclusively female migration flows (Sassen, 1993). Immigrant women work in those jobs that are abandoned by the receiving country nationals (Casas and Garson, 2005).INSTRAWs Columbia case study found a significant number o f middle-age women whose main reason to migrate was not related to economic or family reasons (as their children are already grown up) but rather to the expectation that new relationship opportunities are easier to come by in Spain than in Columbia, where women their age have a difficult time finding new sexual partners. Both the Columbian and the Dominican case studies found that unsatisfactory marriages factored in many womens decision to migrate, as it was easier for them to end the relationship after they had moved to another country (which contradicts the common assumption that the migration itself is the cause of the matrimonial break-up) (INSTRAW, 2007).The studies have revealed the 2 dimensions of the role played by immigrant women in the economies of both their sending and their receiving societies an active role on the labour market, sending remittances, becoming heads of household, etc. Certain academic and political circles would see to have open uped a link between fe minization of migration, the active role of women as economic and increment agents and empowerment. It is important to note that even though immigrant women participate in the economics of their countries of origin and destination, by sending large remittances and maintaining transnational households, this role as social and economic agents does not necessarily imply an increase in their status (empowerment) (Casas and Garson, 2005).As INSTRAWs (2007) (and many other) case studies show, by allowing women to become economic providers for themselves and for their transnational families, migration can increase their self-esteem, personal autonomy and status. migrator women often measure their achievements only in terms of the benefits they are able to provide to their families and they are praised by others in similar terms.Migration can provide a racy source of income for migrant women and their families, and earn them increased autonomy, self-confidence and social status (IOM, 2008 ).In a study conducted by Monica Boyd entitled Women in International Migration The Context of Exit and Entry for Empowerment and Exploitation (2006), women migrant workers who are admitted legally but temporarily, may be poorly protected by existing labor law in destination countries and they may have little recourse to state protection if abuse occurs.In countries of origin and also in countries of destination (IOM, 2008), female migrants may be victims of negative attitudes about women working at all, attitudes that affect their rights to leave the country without permission to receive further education or training and to engage in certain occupations. Globally, the International Labour Office (ILO) reports that the most frequently encountered issues regarding the working conditions of women migrant workers are low remuneration, heavy workloads with long working hours and inadequate rest periods, limited training facilities and poor career development. In some countries such work ers also lack freedom of movement. Women migrant workers jobs are normally located very low on the occupational ladder and usually not, or only inadequately covered by labour legislation or other social security or welfare provisions (ILO, 1999).The broader theoretical approach to the analysis of networks as a factor behind migration now extends to the role of women in migration. A further factor that favours the increased visibility of female immigration is that migration is no longer considered to be the result of an individual decision but rather is best viewed as an intrinsic part of family and community strategies (Stark, 1984) (Casas and Garson, 2005).Women migrate to work abroad in response to gender-specific labour demand in countries of destination that reflects existing values, norms, stereotypes and hierarchies based on gender. Thus, although laws regarding the admission of migrant workers are generally gender neutral, the demand for domestic workers, nurses, and enterta iners focuses on the recruitment of migrant women. Moreover, in countries of origin as well, female labour supply is the result of gender norms and stereotypes that gear women to certain traditionally female occupations. Recruitment intermediaries, whether private or official, also contribute to reinforce gender segregation in the labour market (UN, 2004).Women have always been present in migratory flows, traditionally as spouses, daughters, or dependents of male migrants. Nowadays women are increasingly migrating as the main economic providers for their households meaning that they migrate autonomously as breadwinners a contribution that has served to increase their visibility within migratory flows (UN-INSTRAW, 2006).The global demand for migrant labour now prioritizes womens specific skills and traditional roles, such that a) paid domestic work is increasingly performed by women who leave their own countries, communities and often their families b) domestic service draws not on ly women from poor socio-economic classes but also women of relatively high status in their own countries and c) the development of service-based economies in post-industrial nations favours the international migration of women workers. In the developed world, the combination of womens increased participation in the labour force and the failure to develop family-friendly labour policies and child, elderly, and disabled care options have lead to a strong demand for migrant women workers. Migrant women are thus a central support system for womens freedom in the developed world and they make a contribution that is under-recognized and undervalued (UN-INSTRAW, 2006).The increasing feminization of the Philippine labor export industry suggests that womens desperation to overcome the hardships brought about by worsening socioeconomic conditions in the country is the major push factor that drives them to leave, to bet on a brighter future abroad while turning virtually a blind eye to the risks involved (Philippine Migrants Rights Watch, 2004).The feminization of international labor migration in the Philippines can be seen from several vantage points. For one, it can be seen as an extension of the freedom of mobility afforded Filipino women. For another, the involvement of Filipino women in international labor migration can be seen as a response to the demand for women workers in the more developed countries. The demand for women migrant workers also came at a time when the demand for male workers was slowing down in the Middle East, which was the major destination of migrant workers in the 1970s and the early 1980s. Countries of origin such as the Philippines were poised to respond to the demand for women migrant workers given the experience they had gained with large-scale overseas employment in the 1970s (Guerrero, et. al, 2001).Although women give different reasons why they consider overseas employment as a work option, these reasons invariably boil down to econ omic or financial considerations. Migrant workers mention the following specific or immediate reasons to get a job, to support family needs, to send siblings and children to school, to pay for medical treatment of parents, to pay debts (Villalba, 2002).Compared to other countries of origin, the Philippines has, in fact, instituted various measures to ensure the protection of women migrant workers. earliest on and several times thereafter, the government had instituted several bans on the deployment of domestic workers (1982 for Saudi Arabia, which did not push through a general ban in 1987 and the gradual lifting of the ban as better conditions obtain in the receiving countries ban for Singapore in 1995) and in the deployment of entertainers to Japan in 1991, in the hopes of stopping the migration of women migrant workers. Bans, as our experience showed, do not work instead they only lead to irregular migrations, which puts women migrant workers in greater danger. Under the circums tances, the government instituted various approaches to protect women migrant workers (Guerrero, et. al, 2001).Republic Act No. 8042 (POEA, 1996) popularly known as the Migrant Workers and Overseas Filipinos Act of 1995 is an act instituting the policies of overseas employment and establish a higher standard of protection and promotion of the welfare of migrant workers, their families and overseas Filipinos in distress, and for the other purposes. Specifically, slit 2, paragraph d (Declaration of Policies) stated, The State affirms the fundamental equality before the law of women and men and the significant role of women in nation-building. Recognizing the contribution of overseas migrant women workers and their particular vulnerabilities, the State shall apply gender in the buff criteria in the formulation and implementation of policies and programs affecting migrant workers and the composition of bodies tasked for the welfare of migrant workers.In addition, Section 4 (Deployment of Migrant Workers) declared, The State shall deploy overseas Filipino workers only in countries where the rights of Filipino migrant workers are protected. The government recognizes any of the following as a guarantee on the part of the receiving country for the protection and the rights of overseas Filipino workers a) it has existing labor and social laws protecting the rights of migrant workers b) it is a signatory to multilateral conventions, declarations or resolutions relating to the protection of migrant workers c) it has concluded a bilateral agreement or line of battle with the government protecting the rights of overseas Filipino workers and d) it is taking positive, concrete measures to protect the rights of migrant worker (POEA, 1996).Implications of the Reviewed Studies and Literature to the Present StudyThe reviewed studies and literature were presented to support or refute the theories and concept employed in the study. Further, it is one way to appreciate the reaso ns behind the out-migration of women since 1980s and the risks and hardships involved.CHAPTER IIIRESEARCH METHODOLOGYMethod of ResearchThe researcher shall made use of the descriptive research. According to Calderon and Gonzales (1993), descriptive research is a purposive process of gathering, analyzing and tabulating data about prevailing conditions, practices, beliefs, processes, trends and cause-effect relationships and then making adequate and accurate interpretation about such data with or without the aid of statistical method.Population and SamplingThe respondents in this study shall be the Filipino women migrant workers employed in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) as professionals and household workers among others. To determine the sample size of the population, the researcher shall employ the Slovins formula. In 2008, 24,508 women workers were deployed in KSA. Using Slovins formula, the sample size of 24,508 is 100 respondents. Alkhobar, KSA is the preferred place for the conduct of this study wherein one of the two POLOs in Saudi Arabia is located.The researcher shall made use of the dodge Sampling in survey questionnaire in the selection of respondents and Purposive Sampling Technique in identifying the interviewees. information Gathering Tool/sPrimary and secondary instruments shall be utilized to aid the researcher in gathering data/information. A questionnaire shall be constructed that details the profile of the female migrant workers as well as the common issues and concerns encountered by Filipino women migrant workers. Webster Dictionary defines questionnaire as a set of questions for obtaining statistically useful or personal information from an individual. The questionnaire shall be presented in a question-answer format with suitable answers so that the respondents can easily indicate their response by placing a checkmark on the space corresponding to the answer.The researcher shall also conduct interviews on DOLE officials, non-government organizations, and Filipino women migrant workers here and abroad to solicit views necessary for the conduct of this study. Books and electronic data/information were also sourced out in this study.Data Gathering ProceduresQuestionnaires thru the assistance of POLO-Alkhobar shall be disseminated to the respondents by June until August 2009. Interviews shall follow after the result of the survey is finalized.The Philippine Overseas Employment Administration (POEA) deployment statistics shall be utilized to identify the Filipino women migrant workers deployed from 1980s to 2008. The same data shall be used to also identify the sector dominated by Filipino women mi